©New Straits Times
(Used by permission)
by Sheridan Mahavera
More than four months since the March 8 general election, some say the Malay
community is in its worst–ever crisis. Others disagree. Sheridan Mahavera
looks beyond the histrionics to discern the crux of the matter
IN the local English dailies, much of the doomsday talk is on the environment and the oil–based economy, but in the Malay dailies, it's saved for the Malay community.
Ribut (stormy), berpecah (disunited) and gadai negeri
(selling out the country) are some of the terms bandied about in describing what
has been called the worst crisis in the Malay community since Independence.
Proponents of this belief have organised themselves into the Majlis Muafakat
Melayu Malaysia (Malaysian Malay Solidarity Council –– 4M). They warn that
unless something immediate and drastic is done, "Melayu akan menjadi musafir
di negeri sendiri" (the Malays will be dispossessed in their own land).
The "crisis", they argue, came about from the spectacular losses suffered by
Barisan Nasional, and in particular Umno, in the 12th general election.
What was especially traumatising for the Malay associations
and groups that make up 4M is the loss of the Malay heartland states of Kedah
and Perak, and to a certain extent Selangor.
The groups believe that Malaysia's political landscape post–March 8 will see the
demise of the Malays' special position and privileges, and the community's
dominance in charting the nation's future.
The ideology of ketuanan Melayu (Malay dominance) and kedaulatan
Melayu (Malay sovereignty), warns 4M, will "hilang di dunia" (fade
from the world).
In early May, 200 Malay non–governmental organisations, spearheaded by the
Federation of National Writers Association (Gapena), congregated in Johor Baru
for three days of talks on how to tackle the "crisis". The result was 4M, which
sees itself as a non–partisan body to ensure Malays remain "first among equals"
among Malaysian communities, no matter what party is in power.
The council is touted as the collective expression of the desires and concerns
of the Malay intelligentsia: academics, poets, entrepreneurs and opinion–makers.
The congress passed a set of resolutions to the Sultan of Johor, including
demands that Malays and Malay customs remain dominant in the nation's politics,
economy and culture.
Gapena chairman Tan Sri Ismail Hussin stressed that these demands did not mean
the other communities would be sidelined or oppressed.
"We want to put a stop to all this Malay–bashing, the ideology of a 'Malaysian
Malaysia' and all this racialist talk," he said.
Though Ismail emphasised that the congress neither supported nor was supported
by any political party, its detractors denounce it as a proxy of Umno. This
similarity of tenor and message between supporters of the congress and Umno led
critics to question whether or not such a crisis really exists among the Malays.
Malay intellectuals not affiliated with 4M argue that Malay political
representation was untouched by the March 8 "tsunami".
In the 2004 elections, when the Barisan Nasional had had its best showing, 120
parliamentary seats had gone to Malay MPs. After the last election, observes
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia political scientist Prof Dr Mohammad Agus Yusoff,
there are now 121.
The seats Umno lost went to other Malays, whether from Pas or Parti Keadilan
Rakyat (PKR). Malay MPs even took over seats once held by non–Malays, notes
Mohammad Agus, such as Kuantan, Kota Raja and Teluk Kemang.
Prof Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi contends that concerns for the loss of kedaulatan
Melayu and the special position of the Malays as enshrined in Article 153 of
the Constitution are also unfounded. Writing in the Berita Harian on March 14,
the constitutional law expert said the only way Article 153 could be amended
would be by a two–thirds vote in the Dewan Rakyat and the approval of the
Rulers' Council.
"In the Constitution," Shad wrote, "the Yang di–Pertuan Agong is the protector
of the special position of the Malays. Whatever the results of a general
election, this special position will not be affected."
Kedaulatan Melayu, in short, is held not by any political party but the
Yang di–Pertuan Agong and the nine Malay rulers.
"When it comes to choosing the prime minister," says Mohammad Agus, "the king
has the power to choose whom he views can command the confidence of the Dewan
Rakyat."
The sultans also have this prerogative over their states, as seen in Perak when
Pas' Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin was chosen as menteri besar despite
his party holding the fewest seats in the Pakatan Rakyat state government.
Mohammad Nizar's appointment by the Raja Muda of Perak, Raja Dr Nazrin Shah, was
initially opposed by DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang, who later retracted his stand
and apologised to the Perak palace.
So, if kedaulatan Melayu and the Malays' special position will remain
regardless of the party in power, should the community worry? Gapena's Ismail
thinks so, but says the crisis is more "psychological".
"It is because there is more talk about the special privileges, and there may
come a time where even though they are in the Constitution, there may be people
who want to ram into them."
Ismail doubts that non–Umno Malay MPs have the interests of the community at
heart, saying they were treating Malay privileges as a political commodity.
Others attribute such uneasiness to Umno's hold on the psyche of Malays as the
only protector of their interests. At roughly three million members, Umno is the
largest party in the BN, where most component parties are race–based and whose
philosophies revolve around guarding the interests of their own communities.
PKR deputy chief and former Universiti Malaya sociology professor Dr Syed Husin
Ali calls this a convenient smokescreen for Umno.
"They have mistakenly associated the welfare of the Malays with Umno, and that's
why there is all this talk about a crisis. So if Umno does not do well in the
elections, they interpret this as the Malays being threatened.
"It was not the Malays that lost out (in the election), it was Umno."
4M's claim that it represents Malays is also undermined by the results of the
last general election, when tens of thousands helped elect 40 Malay MPs from
non–Umno parties.
Says Syed Husin: "Malays are actually asking, what has Umno really done for them
despite being in power for the past 50 years? The largest segment of the poor
are still the Malays."
Mohammad Agus says the general election results reflect a maturity in the Malay
electorate. At heart is a question of identity, he says: "Whether the Malays
will subscribe to a politics of enthnocentric dominance or something more
inclusive.
"The diversity among Malay politicians now, with their different ideologies and
beliefs, can only be a good thing as they compete with each other for the vote
of the community. The best Malay politician will emerge."