©New
Sunday Times (Used by permission)
by Zubaidah Abu Bakar
THE old Malay adage "mencurah air di daun keladi", or its equivalent, "like water off a duck's back", perhaps best describes the recalcitrance of Umno members when it comes to money politics.
Lobbyists, campaign managers and vote canvassers of
candidates have ignored repeated warnings against corrupt practices in the past
and will do so again.
For as long as there are givers and takers, any "advice" will fall on deaf ears.
When Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi warned lobbyists, campaigners and
canvassers to stop campaigning at hotel coffee houses after chairing the Umno
supreme council meeting on Friday, he was expressing concern about money
politics, which Umno disciplinary board chairman Tengku Ahmad Rithauddeen Tengku
Ismail had described as deep–rooted, in the latest party election season.
"If they are caught doing what is prohibited, disciplinary action will be taken
against them," said the prime minister, who also warned against misusing
government facilities to campaign.
Official vehicles belonging to certain ministries and state
governments have been spotted parked where divisional meetings are being held or
at hotel parking lots in many states –– an indication that aspirants holding
government posts had sent representatives as observers to these meetings or to
garner support.
Umno members are all too familiar with the warnings from the higher–ups.
Abdullah's predecessor, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, as many will remember, had
begged and pleaded with party members to reject money politics.
Rounding on the delegates attending the 2000 party elections, Dr Mahathir told
them not to linger in Kuala Lumpur to avoid suspicion that they may resort to
money politics.
His advice was similar to that offered by Abdullah on Friday –– go home and stop
whatever was being negotiated.
In an unprecedented attempt to stem the bribery and promote clean party
elections, 15 candidates bidding for senior posts in 2000 signed a four–point
pledge promising to do just that or risk exposure at the general assembly.
The pledge was to:
– discontinue any form of campaigning;
– refrain from money politics or corrupt politics;
– stop any form of campaigning by supporters, representatives and agents,
directly or indirectly; and,
– refrain from contacting delegates or allowing delegates to contact them in any
way.
Did anything positive happen after that? No, the 2004 Umno elections took a turn
for the worse when millions of ringgit were said to have been spent despite the
watchful eyes of the disciplinary board.
Several leaders, including then vice–president Tan Sri Isa Abdul Samad, were
suspended for engaging in money politics but the penalties were no deterrent.
The irony is that when the party president condemned money politics in his
speech, party members would cheer loudly. And when a candidate who was known to
practise money politics was announced a winner, they also cheered.
Over the past three weeks, division leaders have been on the receiving end of
visits or telephone calls and messages from third parties asking for nominations
for specific candidates. There were also threats.
Several complained of being unable to imagine themselves sitting side by side
with a candidate during supreme council or cabinet meetings if their divisions
did not nominate the person.
"The handphone, being a necessary gadget, suddenly becomes a nuisance. A ring on
the cellphone can cause great anxiety," said an aide to a minister who is vying
for a supreme council seat.
There are rumours that some divisional leaders had found thousands of ringgit
more in their bank accounts despite claiming not to have divulged their account
numbers.
The modus operandi of lobbyists and other operators is systematic: focus on
specific divisions having their meetings at the weekend.
Divisional leaders and delegates would be enticed, using every conceivable means
from Monday until the 11th hour. Once the target divisions have completed their
meetings, attention turns to the next batch of divisions.
There are thousands of ways delegates have been rewarded. Money politics in Umno
is not as straightforward as A passing money to B; it is an art that is
continuously being refined.
Many will remember how intense lobbying in the 1993 Umno elections redefined
money politics; most of the approaches are still in use today.
Delegates were feted at lavish dinners, checked into posh hotels, laden with
gifts ranging from pens, watches and other finery to holiday trips.
There were those who were so well rewarded that they could afford to buy cars
and renovate their houses after each election year.
Umno has battled the spectre with little success. Money politics just keeps
haunting it.