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©New
Sunday Times (Used by permission)
The first concern raised by the report was that the atmosphere of an election
campaign should be one of respect for human rights.
This means freedom of expression applies to all parties,
candidates, voters and the media.
And while the government has a duty to ensure peace, it should not arbitrarily
restrict freedom through the use of laws like the Internal Security Act 1960.
A key point is that the issuance of permits for events, such as a ceramah,
should not be discriminatory and rejection should not be based on speculation,
suspicion or fear.
"It's the best statement I've heard from Suhakam. I can't concur more," says
Kuala Selangor MP Dr Zulkifli Ahmad.
A steering committee member for the mammoth Bersih rally and
Pas' research chief, Zulkifli is used to getting applications for permits
rejected.
"Sometimes, the reason for rejection is to avoid traffic chaos. But at all our
ceramah, we have many traffic wardens who keep things under control."
Zulkifli says the authorities need to recognise that voters have matured and
they should not fear that problems that will crop up at public assemblies.
"Look at the potentially turbulent situation now. Divisions within the ruling
party, Molotov cocktails thrown at the DAP headquarters in Ipoh, voters aren't
getting agitated ... they are handling things with tact.
"When everyone is changing, authorities that keep using draconian laws will
become dinosaurs, outdated."
Ong Kian Ming and Bridget Welsh's case study of the 2002 redelineation process
for Kedah showed how moving safe areas into vulnerable areas and changing
boundaries helped strengthen BN's electoral position in the following election.
They noted that the government consciously reversed a long-standing trend of
creating Malay-dominant constituencies in favour of more mixed seats.
There was also a reallocation of state seats into different parliamentary
districts, according to the writers of Elections and Democracy in Malaysia.
The political impact in every seat after the redelineation exercise were
obvious.
For instance, in 1999, the Pokok Sena parliamentary seat -- made up of the Bukit
Lada, Langgar and Tanjong Seri state seats -- was won by Pas with a 3,211 vote
majority.
After the redelineation exercise, the large Malay majority seat of Tanjong Seri
was swapped for the more mixed Derga seat.
If the result for that parliamentary seat was recalculated after the swap,
Barisan Nasional would have won by a majority of 1,805 votes.
This refers to the extension of the right to vote to all adults without
distinction of race, gender, belief of social status.
The report makes a particular point about making polling stations accessible to
the indigenous people.
For Orang Asli who live in remote areas, it's often a case of "no transport, no
vote", says Centre for Orang Asli Concerns' Colin Nicholas.
Communities that live in government-established settlements, where there is a
hall or centre that is turned into a polling station, will vote.
Otherwise, it's up to political parties to arrange for transport if they want
the votes.
"In many areas in the last general election, the Orang Asli were seen as 'sure
BN voters' and candidates didn't bother to campaign there or arrange for
transport on polling day.
"So the Orang Asli didn't bother to go and vote. Why vote for people who don't
bother about you?" said Nicholas.
He cited an example of a seat in the interior of Pahang where the BN party
workers sent lorries to pick up Orang Asli voters on polling day.
The voters refused to get in. Lorries were for cattle, they told the party
workers, and insisted on a proper bus or van. Annoyed party workers ignored them
and the community did not vote.
That year, said Nicholas, the opposition party won the seat by five votes.
"Voting isn't important enough to drive the Orang Asli to walk from the interior
to a polling centre."
Although the most recent elections may have seen an improved coverage of
opposition candidates, a fair election requires that all parties are given an
equal coverage in the media, which includes the placement and timing of
exposure. Coverage should not be partial to any side.
However, Information Minister Datuk Ahmad Shabery Cheek feels that in general,
the opposition can make use of new media to a greater advantage than if they
were to use the traditional mainstream media.
"New media is a part of media as a whole. If you look at some countries, the
opposition don't even have access to the new media.
"If you talk about the Internet, for instance, the government has specific
controls they can use to block or restrict websites.
"In some countries, if you want to have a portal, you have to register and have
a licence. We don't impose those rules in the country.
"The Internet penetration rate is considered high, too. Out of a population of
27 million people, 14 million have access to the Internet and the number is
growing.
"Nobody stops anybody from using that. So, you have to look at the matter from
this perspective. This is already media."
Ahmad Shabery says in future, opposition candidates may have access to
government television channels like RTM1 and RTM2.
However, he does not know when this may be as it is up to the government to
decide.
"The rakyat gives the mandate to the ruling party, to decide, in terms of
approach, on how you run this country.
"The right to information is just like the right to food. The right for people
to eat. We can say that people have the right to eat whatever they like, but
sometimes, eating too much is also not good.
"And that's the role of the government. We have to educate the people: on what
is poison, what is not good for them and what is good for them.
"You have to educate the people first."
The first-past-the-post system may not truly reflect the will of the people.
This is because there can be a big difference between the percentage of votes
won by a political party, and the number of seats it is given in the Parliament.
Elections watchdog Malaysians for a Free and Fair Elections (Mafrel)
acting-president Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh compares Kapar, the largest parliamentary
constituency with more than 112,000 voters, with Putrajaya, which has fewer than
7,000 voters. The difference in population is large yet they each get one member
of parliament.
This, says Syed Ibrahim, is disproportionate to the population size.
Instead, he recommends the popular vote system.
"If the opposition wins 40 per cent of the overall votes, and the government
wins 60 per cent, then representation in the Dewan should reflect those
numbers."
In between the dissolution of the old Parliament and the convening of the new
Parliament, there needs to be a government to run the country during the
election period. Currently, that caretaker government is the same as the one
that was recently-dissolved.
However, this arrangement is open to the potential of abuse of government funds
and machinery during campaigning.
Syed Ibrahim believes a policy should be set, either by having a completely
fresh caretaker government comprising high-profile personalities like ex-judges
who are appointed by the King, or a mixed system of caretaker and present
government.
But, if a completely new caretaker government cannot be formed, Syed Ibrahim
feels there should be restrictions to what the old (caretaker) government can
do.
"There is a difference between running the country and launching things, or
declaring projects.
"During (the first prime minister) Tunku Abdul Rahman's day, when he wanted to
go out campaigning, he would take time off his job -- take leave -- to make it
clear that there is no overlap between him as the party candidate and him as the
caretaker prime minister."
It's not right or wrong but rights and lack thereof
BASED on the issues raised, Suhakam makes the following
observations and recommendations for free and fair elections:
RIGHT TO VOTE
The will of the people forms the basis of the government's authority. Hence,
citizens have the right to select their representatives. For them to make an
informed choice, they should have the right of access to information, which
includes the right to hear the manifesto of all parties and pledges of
candidates. Access to information also necessitates the right of assembly.
-Right of assembly
All political parties should be allowed to hold rallies and ceramah without
having to apply for permits during the campaign period, with the proviso that
the assembly is peaceful and speech is not used to slander, create disharmony,
incite hatred and compromise national security. The organisers must be made well
aware that they are fully accountable for public safety and are liable to face
charges in court if the gathering turns unruly.
-The police
The force should not act on mere suspicion, speculation, fear or imagination.
There must be clear evidence of public disorder or incitement to create
violence. Powers provided by restrictive laws, such as the Sedition Act,
Internal Security Act, Official Secrets Act and Police Act should be exercised
judiciously and a balance must be struck between security concerns and civil
rights and freedom.
-Access to media
All parties should have equal access to media in terms of broadcast time and
print space, as well as in timing and placement of their information. In short,
access to media should be non-discriminatory. The media should be allowed to
cover the campaign freely, without interference or unreasonable restriction by
the authorities.
-Universal suffrage
Persons with disabilities and indigenous people have the right to vote. Hence,
it is recommended that polling stations be made accessible to indigenous people
in remote areas, polling stations to be disabled-friendly and ballot papers to
be provided in Braille for those who are visually impaired.
TRUE REFLECTION OF VOTERS' CHOICE
The candidates elected should be an accurate reflection of the people's choice.
In this respect, several matters require attention.
-'Phantom voters'
The Election Commission should devise measures to ensure that those on the
electoral rolls are genuine voters. The measures it has taken thus far are good
but still inadequate in removing 'phantom voters'.
The government should consider amending laws to empower the EC to check on the
validation of one's claimed residence. There should be better co-ordination
between the National Registration Department and the EC so that the names of
deceased electors are removed from the electoral rolls as soon as the death
certificate is issued.
- Automatic registration
All eligible voters should be automatically registered upon attaining the age of
21.
- Delineation of constituencies
Any delineation exercise designed to dilute or increase the votes of a
particular candidate or party is unacceptable in terms of the international norm
of equality of suffrage. In this respect, Suhakam urges that the principle of
democracy enunciated in the Federal Constitution and Article 21 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights be respected and given due consideration in
delineating constituencies. The use of an ethnic form of gerrymandering to
control electoral outcomes should be discontinued.
- Longer campaign period
The campaign period for a general election should be longer than it has been in
recent years, so that all views are equally represented and voters are able to
hear the views of all parties. A reference point can be found in the 1959, 1964
and 1969 elections.
EQUALITY DURING ELECTIONS
Equality should be exercised to ensure fair elections.
-Election-related laws
Administration of such laws should be implemented and enforced non-selectively
to ensure that every candidate has an equal chance of winning.
- Caretaker government
It is recommended that when the parliament is dissolved, a caretaker government
should take charge to ensure impartiality. This is also necessary to deter the
use of public facilities and funds for campaigning.
INDEPENDENT AND IMPARTIAL EC
The EC should be made directly accountable to the Parliament rather than to the
executive branch to secure its independence.
- REDRESS
The court should be given greater leeway to adjudicate electoral disputes.
RESPONSIBLE CONDUCT OF CANDIDATES
At all rallies and during any campaign activities, candidates should refrain
from slander and false allegations, as well as misuse of freedom of speech to
incite hatred and communal and religious tensions.
Those who resort to undemocratic means to win elections and those who violate
the law should be held accountable in timely manner.
'Undemocratic means' include vote-buying through outright gifts (cash, grants to
private schools, allowances ostensibly to cover expenses of party supporters and
as compensation in lieu of wages) and inducements such as expediting the
administrative process (e.g. in issuing ownership titles to house buyers).
CONCLUSION
Malaysians have the right to elect their representatives to form the government.
To ensure that the true will of the people is reflected, elections have to be
free and fair.
The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of the government.
Based on this, citizens should exercise their right to vote in serious manner,
while candidates and their parties should be responsible in their actions.
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