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By the seventeenth century, a unique system of governance had developed whereby power was shared among three rulers: the Raja Alam, Raja Adat and Raja Ibadat. These rulers – the kings of the temporal, the cultural and the religious spheres – had their own areas of responsibility, and could act as checks and balances to one another. By the time the French philosopher Montesquieu articulated his theory on the separation of powers, the Minangkabau had been practising it for over a century. Alongside this was the process of decentralisation: instead of concentrating power at the centre, Pagar Ruyong resembled a federation, where districts enjoyed autonomy while maintaining shared traditions and deferring to central government on key matters.

The upkeep of these traditions required not only a bureaucratic structure to implement them, but also the intellectual capacity to sustain them. These values were transmitted to the Malay Peninsula as the Minangkabau settled in what became known as Negri Sembilan, and continued to develop even as Pagar Ruyong was ravaged by the Padri War. By the eighteenth century migration to the west coast of the peninsula was enough for Johor to cede the territory to the Minangkabau, who then petitioned their chieftains for a ruler from Pagar Ruyong. Thus Negri Sembilan’s uniqueness began immediately, as the ruler was invited by the representatives of the people.

Of course, adat perpatih comprises more than just socio-political principles. One of its most well-known features is the empowerment of women: land and property is inherited through the female line and it is the husband who moves in with the wife. In 1869 it was the mother of Yam Tuan Antah, Tunku Intan, who was appointed regent until her son came of age. The matrilineal system also contributed to one of the hallmarks of Minangkabau society: the practice among males of merantau, or roaming, in search of knowledge and opportunities. While some other cultures might regard leaving one’s homeland as treachery or ingratitude, Minangkabau culture actively encourages it.

Clearly, it was not just Negri Sembilan which contributed to Malaysian political philosophy. Three centuries before Raja Melewar, the Sultanate of Malacca was at its zenith, its pro-trade policies catalysed by the acceptance of Islam. But it was the Sultanate of Kedah which first embraced the religion, and it was in Terengganu that it was perhaps first codified: the Terengganu Inscription Stone, the earliest Malay written evidence that a ruler was subject to a higher law, is our own Magna Carta. In 1895, Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor promulgated a modern constitution and other states followed suit. In the person of Tuanku Abdul Rahman, the eighth Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negri Sembilan and the first Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaya, the Minangkabau tendency for decentralisation and separation of powers persisted: he had sought help from a Conservative member of the House of Lords to end the highly-centralised Malayan Union imposed by the Labour government; and after Merdeka he accepted that he had no power to remove his prime minister.

Our independence and democratic values have of late been presented as having been imposed by imperialists; interference by foreign powers to keep us under control and to make sure we were compliant during the Cold War. These arguments are presented to justify infantile theories of authoritarianism in the guise of religious righteousness or "Asian values". Sadly, these perversions of history have been accepted by too many. The fact is that the various lands of Nusantara had enjoyed a rich tradition of socio-political development rivalling that of Enlightenment Europe. Of course we had our civil wars and periods of poverty and strife – but so did every great democracy.

Indeed, the experiences of Pagar Ruyong and other Malay kingdoms should be called upon for Malaysia today. Separation of powers, decentralisation, and the reconciliation of democracy, religion and culture through innovation and individual liberty can be achieved. It is possible for democracy, culture and religion to provide the base for prosperity and freedom. In the tough economic climate that greets us in 2009, this realisation is ever more urgent.

Tunku ’Abidin Muhriz heads the Project to Advance Democratic Institutions at the Malaysia Think Tank. Comments: letters@thesundaily.com.